Usuário:Carlos28/Artigos a criar

Origem: Wikipédia, a enciclopédia livre.

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Coatbridge
  Cidade  
A Fonte na rua Bank
A Fonte na rua Bank
Localização
Coatbridge está localizado em: Escócia
Coatbridge
Coordenadas 55° 51' N 4° 1' O
País Escócia
Características geográficas
Área total 17,66 km²
População total (2011) 41 170 hab.

Coatbridge (em scots: Cotbrig or Coatbrig, em gaélico escocês: Drochaid a' Chòta) é uma cidade situada em North Lanarkshire, Escócia, a cerca de 13,7 km a leste de do centro de Glasgow, nas Terras Baixas centrais. A cidade, perto de Airdrie, faz parte da zona urbana da Grande Glasgow. Embora a mais antiga colónia conhecida da zona date da Idade da Pedra, Coatbridge tem o seu primeiro registo conhecido no século XII, numa Carta Régia concedida aos monges da Abadia de Newbattle pelo rei Malcolm IV. Coatbridge, juntamente com a vizinha Airdrie, forma a região conhecida como Monklands.

Nos últimos anos do século XVIII, a pequena região desenvolveu-se, passando de um conjunto disperso de hamlets para a cidade de Coatbridge. O progresso e crescimento da cidade esteve ligada de perto pelos avanços tecnológicos da Revolução Industrial e, em particular, com o processo hot blast (processo de aquecimento do ar para dentro de uma fornalha). Coatbridge foi um dos principais centros escoceses para trabalhos em ferro e minas de carvão durante o século XIX, e era descrita como o 'âmago industrial da Escócia'[1] e o 'Burgh de ferro'.

Coatbridge também tinha a reputação de ter uma grande poluição do are excesso de lixo industrial. Contudo, na década de 1920, as minas de carvão estavam esgotadas e a industria do ferro em Coatbridge encontrava-se em declínio. Após a Grande Depressão, a ferraria Gartsherrie era a última que trabalhava o ferro na cidade. Uma publicação comentou que, na actual Coatbridge, o 'carvão, o ferro e o aço tornaram-se num legado de ferro-velho'.[2]

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Kurt Werner Lischka (Breslau (actual Wrocław), 16 de Agosto de 1909 – Brühl, 16 de Maio de 1989) foi um oficial das SS, chefe da Gestapo e comandante da Polícia de Segurança (SiPo) e do Serviço de Segurança (SD) em Paris durante a ocupação da França pela Alemanha nazi no contexto da Segunda Guerra Mundial.[3]

Lischka era filho de um empregado bancário. Estudou leis e ciência política em Breslau e Berlim. Depois de acabr os estudos, trabalhou em tribunais distritais e no Tribunal de Apelação de Província em Breslau. Lischka entrou para as SS a 1 de Junho de 1933, chegando ao posto de major em 1938 e a tenente-coronel em 20 de Abril de 1942. A 1 de Setembro de 1935, Lischka juntou-se à Gestapo, e, em Janeiro de 1940, tornou-se chefe desta organização em Colónia.

Lischka liderou uma operação que resultou na detenção de mais de 30 000 judeus alemães na sequência da destruição em massa das propriedades judaicas durante a Noite de Cristal entre 9 e 10 de Novembro de 1938.

Como chefe da SiPo-SD de Paris, Lischka foi responsável pela maior deportação em massa única de judeus na França ocupada.[4]

Lischka foi detido em França em 1945, depois extraditado para a Checoslováquia em 1947 por crimes de guerra lá, sendo libertado a 22 de Agosto de 1950. Depois, foi viver para a Alemanha Ocidental. Apesar de um tribunal de Paris o ter condenado, em in absentia, a prisão perpétua, Lischka esteve mais de 25 anos em liberdade, a trabalhar, utilizando o seu próprio nomes, na República Federalda Alemanha como, entre outras posições, juíz.[5] As a result of the activities of Holocaust-survivor Serge Klarsfeld and his wife Beate Klarsfeld, Lischka was eventually arrested in Cologne. Lischka was sentenced to a ten-year prison term on 2 February 1980 and, following his early release on health grounds, died in a nursing home on 16 May 1989 in Brühl.[6]


Franz Seldte: Minister for Labour of the German Reich - [2]

Julius Dorpmüller: Reich Transport Minister - [3]


Notas

Referências

  1. Coatbridge (Imagens da Escócia) por Helen Moir. The History Press (2001). ISBN 0-7524-2132-8
  2. Collins Encyclopaedia of Scotland (1994) Eds. J & J Keay, HarperCollins Publishers, p.175
  3. Klee, Ernst (2011). Das Personenlexikon zum Dritten Reich: Wer war was vor und nach 1945 (em alemão). Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Verlag. ISBN 978-3-98114834-3 
  4. Michael Curtis Vichy France and the holocaust – Society – Volume 34, Number 4, 18–34, doi:10.1007/BF02912205
  5. Robert Wistrich, Who's Who in Nazi Germany (Routledge, 2002) p. 158
  6. Serge Klarsfeld French Children of the Holocaust (New York University Press, 1996) p. 1823

The Holocaust in Albania

The Holocaust in Lithuania


Invasion of the Soviet Union[editar | editar código-fonte]

During Operation Barbarossa—the planned invasion of the Soviet Union—Leeb was given command of Army Group North to invade the Baltic states and to capture Leningrad. Leeb was one of more than 200 senior officers who on 30 March 1941 attended a speech in which Hitler laid out his plans for an ideological war of annihilation (') against the Soviet Union.[1]

Baltic states[editar | editar código-fonte]

In June 1941, Army Group North, composed of the Panzer Group 4, the 16th Army and the 18th Army, overwhelmed Soviet border defences and rapidly advanced through the Baltic states, capturing Kaunas and Riga by 1 July that year.[2] As commander of the army group, Leeb had jurisdiction over the area of military operations and over the Army Group North Rear Area.[3] In late June and early July 1941, Franz von Roques, the Rear Area commander, informed Leeb of the massacres of Jews by Einsatzgruppe A, Lithuanian auxiliaries and the men of the 16th Army outside of Kaunas. Leeb noted in his diary afterwards that all he could do was to "keep one’s distance" and that the two men agreed it might be "more humane" to sterilize the Jewish men.[3] Leeb approved of the killing of Jewish men, claiming their supposed crimes during the Soviet occupation of Lithuania justified this, but that the killing of women and children might have been excessive.[4]

In early July, General Rudolf Schmundt, Hitler's aide responsible for the disbursing payments from Konto 5 fund, visited the headquarters of Army Group North. He told Leeb's staff the pogroms and the murder of the Jews by the Einsatzgruppe A were a "necessary cleaning up operation" and that "soldiers should not concern themselves with political matters".[3] Leeb received 250,000 Reichsmark from the fund in September 1941 for his birthday.[5] In the same month, Franz Walter Stahlecker, the commander of Einsatzgruppe A, in a report to Berlin praised Army Group North for its exemplary co-operation with his men in murdering Jews in the Baltic states.[6]

Advance on Leningrad[editar | editar código-fonte]

Soviet resistance stiffened significantly as the army group crossed the Latvia–Russia border in early July 1941. At the same time, Oberkommando des Heeres (OKH, German Army High Command) ordered that Panzer Group 3 was no longer to support Army Group North and was to focus solely on Army Group Centre, leaving Leeb to pursue his objectives—Novgorod, Pskov and Luga, as well as Estonia—without the support of an additional Panzer group. Leeb did not protest, presumably because he believed in the superiority of the German forces and that resistance by the Red Army would not affect his operations. In contrast to these expectations, marshy terrain around Lake Ilmen and fierce Red Army counter-attacks prevented a quick advance.[7]

By early August, Army Group North was seriously over-extended, having advanced on a widening front and dispersed its forces on several axes of advance. Leeb estimated he needed 35 divisions for all of his tasks, while he only had 26.[8] The attack resumed on 10 August but immediately encountered strong opposition around Luga. Elsewhere, Leeb's forces were able to take Kingisepp and Narva on 17 August. The army group reached Chudovo on 20 August, severing the rail link between Leningrad and Moscow. Tallinn fell on 28 August.[9]

Units under Leeb's command engaged in widespread plunder of foodstuffs as they advanced. Excessive looting prompted Leeb to issue orders in an attempt to limit looting and destruction of property because they would impede the exploitation of the conquered lands. Leeb's order of 16 August 1941 stated, "the start-up work of the economic authorities is being rendered impossible by the senseless 'organisations' of the troops".[10]

Leeb and Georg von Küchler at an observation post, 11 October 1941

The last rail connection to Leningrad was cut on 30 August, when the German forces reached the River Neva. In early September, Leeb was confident Leningrad was about to fall. Having received reports on the evacuation of civilians and industrial goods, Leeb and the OKH believed the Red Army was preparing to abandon the city. Consequently, on 5 September, he received new orders, including the destruction of the Red Army forces around the city. By 15 September, Panzer Group 4 was to be transferred to Army Group Centre so it could participate in a renewed offensive towards Moscow. The expected surrender did not materialise although the renewed German offensive cut off the city by 8 September.[11] Lacking sufficient strength for major operations, Leeb had to accept the army group may not be able to take the city, although hard fighting continued along his front throughout October and November.[12]

Since September, the headquarters of the army group and OKH had pondered the fate of the city and what to do with the starving Russian population. Leeb ordered the artillery to fire at any civilians trying to escape from the encircled city so they would be killed out of view of the frontline infantry.[13] In mid-November, the army group's war diary noted the artillery was preventing civilians from approaching the German lines. These operations led the command to ponder whether the shooting of unarmed civilians would lead to the "loss of inner balance". Senior officers were also concerned about "false" compassion that might affect the fighting qualities of their men.[14] Forces under Leeb's command killed Romani people, handed others over to the units of the Sicherheitsdienst (SD) and participated in the killing of mentally disabled people. In December 1941, with the express consent of 18th Army commander Georg von Küchler, SD personnel shot 240 patients in a psychiatric facility.[15]

Relieved of command[editar | editar código-fonte]

On 15 December 1941, in the midst of the crisis of the Battle of Moscow, Leeb pulled back his forces on the northern wing to a line behind the Volkhov River without prior authorisation from OKH. Leeb gained approval for the measure the following day in a personal meeting with Hitler in the Wolfsschanze.[16] On 15 January 1942, Leeb asked Hitler to give him freedom of action or relieve him of his command; Hitler chose the latter and Küchler assumed command of Army Group North.[17] Hitler never employed Leeb again, although his gratitude lasted until Hitler died in April 1945. After Leeb joined the Führerreserve in 1942, he turned to Hans Heinrich Lammers, indicating that in addition to his estate at Solln near Munich, he wanted an estate in the countryside. Hitler promptly presented him with one at Seestetten near Passau; according to Gauleiter (regional Nazi Party leader) Paul Giesler, it was worth an estimated minimum of 660,000 Reichsmarks.[18]

Awards[editar | editar código-fonte]

References[editar | editar código-fonte]

Cargos militares
Precedido por
General der Infanterie Adolf Ritter von Ruith
Commander of 7th Division
1 February 1930 – 1 October 1933
Sucedido por
none
Precedido por
Generalfeldmarschall Fedor von Bock
Commander of Army Group North
20 June 1941 – 17 January 1942
Sucedido por
Generalfeldmarschall Georg von Küchler

Predefinição:GFMofWWII Predefinição:High Command Trial defendants

Predefinição:Subject bar



Década de 1920[editar | editar código-fonte]

A 14 de Março de 1920, nasceu Heinrich "Heinz" Hitler filho de Alois Jr. e da sua segunda esposa, Hedwig Heidemann. Em 1924, Alois Jr. foi acusado de bigamia, mas foi absolvido devido à intervenção de Bridge. O seu filho mais velho, William Patrick, morou com Alois e a sua nova família durante as suas primeiras idas à Alemanha, no período da República de Weimar, em finais da década de 1920 e início da de 1930.

Quando Adolf ficou detido em Landsberg, Angela viajou a Viena para o visitar. Os filhos de Angela, Geli e Elfriede, acompanhou a sua mãe quando esta se tornou a governanta de Hitler em 1925; Geli Raubal tinha 17 anos de idade na altura, e passaria os próximos seis anos em contacto com o seu meio-tio.[21] A sua mãe foi trabalhar como governanta na casa de Berghof perto de Berchtesgaden em 1928.[22] Geli mudou-se para o apartamento de Hitler em Munique, em 1929, quando foi estudar Medicina na Universidade de Munique; contudo, não chegou a acabar os seus estudos.[23]

Na sua ascendência ao poder como líder do Partido Nazi, Hitler manteve um apertado controlo sobre Geli, agindo de forma possessiva e dominadora.[24] Quando descobriu que ela estava a ter um caso com o seu motorista, Emil Maurice, forçou-a a terminar a relação e despediu Maurice.[23][25] Depois, proibiu-a de ter dar com outros amigos, e tentou estar sempre próximo dela, ou então que alguém da sua confiança estivesse sempre, acompanhado-a às compras, ao cinema ou à ópera.[24]

Adolf conheceu Eva Braun, 23 anos mais nova, no estúdio de fotografia de Heinrich Hoffmann em Munique em Outubro de 1929.[26] Hitler terá tudo outras relações, incluindo a filha de Hoffmann, Henrietta, e Maria Reiter.[27]

Década de 1930[editar | editar código-fonte]

Hitler's half-niece, Geli Raubal took her own life in 1931. Rumours immediately began in the media about a possible sexual relationship, and even murder.[23][28] Historian Ian Kershaw contends that stories circulated at the time as to alleged "sexual deviant practices ought to be viewed as ... anti-Hitler propaganda".[24]

After having little contact with her brother Adolf, Paula was delighted to meet him again in Vienna during the early 1930s.[29] By her own account, after losing a job with a Viennese insurance company in 1930 when her employers found out who she was, Paula received financial support from her brother (which continued until his suicide in late April 1945). She lived under the assumed family name Wolf at Hitler's request (this was a childhood nickname of his which he had also used during the 1920s for security purposes) and worked sporadically. She later claimed to have seen her brother about once a year during the 1930s and early 1940s.{{carece de fontes}}

When the NSDAP won 107 seats in the Reich parliament in 1930, the Times Union in Albany, NY, published a statement of Alois Jr.[30]

In 1934, Alois Jr. established a restaurant in Berlin which became a popular meeting place for SA Stormtroopers. He managed to keep the restaurant open through the duration of World War II.{{carece de fontes}}

Angela strongly disapproved of Adolf's relationship with Eva Braun; she eventually left Berchtesgaden as a result and moved to Dresden. Hitler broke off relations with Angela and did not attend her second wedding. On 20 January 1936 she married German architect Professor Martin Hammitzsch, the Director of the State School of Building Construction in Dresden.{{carece de fontes}}

Segunda Guerra Mundial[editar | editar código-fonte]

As Hitler led Germany into the Second World War, he became distant from his family. Despite having previously become estranged after disapproval of Adolf's relationship with Eva Braun, Angela and Adolf eventually re-established contact during the war. Angela was his intermediary to the rest of the family, because Adolf did not want contact. In 1941, she sold her memoirs of her years with Hitler to the Eher Verlag, which brought her 20,000 Reichsmark. Meanwhile, Alois Jr. continued to manage his restaurant throughout the duration of the war. He was arrested by the British, but released when it became clear he had played no role in his brother's regime.

A couple of Adolf's relatives served in Nazi Germany during the war. Adolf's nephew Heinz was a member of the Nazi Party. He attended an elite military academy, the National Political Institutes of Education (Napola) in Ballenstedt/Saxony-Anhalt[1]. Aspiring to be an officer, Heinz joined the Heer (army) as a signals NCO with the 23rd Potsdamer Artillery Regiment in 1941, and he participated in the invasion of the Soviet Union, Operation Barbarossa. On 10 January 1942, he was captured by Soviet forces and sent to the Moscow military prison Butyrka, where he died, aged 21, after interrogation and torture. He never married nor had children.

Adolf's other nephew, Leo Rudolf Raubal, was conscripted into the Luftwaffe. He was injured in January 1943 during the Battle of Stalingrad,[31] and Friedrich Paulus asked Hitler for a plane to evacuate Raubal to Germany.[32] Hitler refused and Raubal was captured by the Soviets on 31 January 1943. Hitler gave orders to check out the possibility of a prisoner exchange with the Soviets for Stalin's son Yakov Dzhugashvili, who was in German captivity since 16 July 1941.[33] Stalin refused to exchange him either for Raubal or for Friedrich Paulus,[34] and said "war is war."[35]

In the spring of 1945, after the destruction of Dresden in the massive bomb attack of 13/14 February, Adolf moved Angela to Berchtesgaden to avoid her being captured by the Soviets. Also, he let her and his younger sister Paula have over 100,000 Reichsmark. Paula barely saw her brother during the war. There is some evidence Paula shared her brother's strong German nationalist beliefs, but she was not politically active and never joined the Nazi Party.[36] During the closing days of the war, at the age of 49, she was driven to Berchtesgaden, Germany, apparently on the orders of Martin Bormann.

After midnight on the night of 28–29 April 1945, Adolf and Eva Braun were married in a small civil ceremony within the Führerbunker in Berlin.[37] At the same location, on the following day of 30 April, the couple committed suicide.[38]

Pós-guerra[editar | editar código-fonte]

In Hitler's last will and testament, he guaranteed Angela a pension of 1,000 Reichsmark monthly. It is uncertain if she ever received a penny of this amount. Nevertheless, she spoke very highly of him even after the war, and claimed that neither her brother nor she herself had known anything about the Holocaust. She declared that if Hitler had known what was going on in the concentration camps, he would have stopped them.

Adolf's sister Paula was arrested by US intelligence officers in May 1945 and debriefed later that year.[39] A transcript shows one of the agents remarking she bore a physical resemblance to her sibling. She told them the Russians had confiscated her house in Austria, the Americans had expropriated her Vienna apartment and that she was taking English lessons. She characterized her childhood relationship with her brother as one of both constant bickering and strong affection. Paula said she could not bring herself to believe her brother had been responsible for the Holocaust. She also told them she had met Eva Braun only once. Paula was released from American custody and returned to Vienna, where she lived on her savings for a time, then worked in an arts and crafts shop.

Other relatives of Hitler were approached by the Soviets. In May 1945, five of Hitler's relatives were arrested, his first cousins, Maria, Johann and Eduard Schmidt, along with Maria's husband Ignaz Koppensteiner, their son Adolf, and Johann Schmidt, Jr., son of Maria and Eduard's deceased brother Johann. Koppensteiner was arrested by the Soviets on the basis that he "approved of [Hitler's] criminal plans against the USSR." He died in a Moscow prison in 1949. Both Eduard and Maria died in Soviet custody in 1951 and 1953, respectively. Johann Jr. was released in 1955. These relatives were posthumously pardoned by Russia in 1997.[40][41][42]

In 1952, Paula Hitler moved to Berchtesgaden, reportedly living "in seclusion" in a two-room flat as Paula Wolff. During this time, she was looked after by former members of the SS and survivors of her brother's inner circle.[39] In February 1959, she agreed to be interviewed by Peter Morley, a documentary producer for British television station Associated-Rediffusion. The resulting conversation was the only filmed interview she ever gave and was broadcast as part of a programme called Tyranny: The Years of Adolf Hitler. She talked mostly about Hitler's childhood. Angela died of a stroke on 30 October 1949. Her brother, Alois Jr., died on 20 May 1956 in Hamburg. At that time, his name was Alois Hiller.[43] Paula, Adolf's last surviving sibling, died on 1 June 1960, at the age of 64.[44]

Prováveis filhos[editar | editar código-fonte]

It is alleged that Hitler had a son, Jean-Marie Loret, with a Frenchwoman named Charlotte Lobjoie. Jean-Marie Loret was born in March 1918 and died in 1985, aged 67.[45] Loret married several times, and had up to nine children. His family's lawyer has suggested that, if their descent from Hitler could be proven, they may be able to claim royalties for Hitler's book, Mein Kampf.[46] However, several historians such as Anton Joachimsthaler,[47] and Sir Ian Kershaw,[48] say that Hitler's paternity is unlikely or impossible to prove.

Just two of Hitler's siblings and half-siblings, Angela and Alois, married.

Angela married Leo Raubal Sr. (1879-1910). They had three children: Leo Rudolf Raubal Jr had one son, Peter Raubal, in 1931{{carece de fontes}}; Geli Raubal committed suicide without having ever had a child in 1931; and Elfriede Raubal who married Dr. Ernst Hochegger in 1937 and had a son, Heiner Hochegger, in 1945{{carece de fontes}} and a daughter.[49]

Alois's son Heinz from his second marriage died in a Soviet military prison in 1942 without children. Alois's son from his first marriage, William Patrick, married Phyllis Jean-Jacques in 1947 in the US, where they had four children. Also in that year, he changed his surname to Stuart-Houston; some have commented on its similarity with the name of the British anti-semitic writer Houston Stewart Chamberlain. Their children, Alexander Adolf Stuart-Houston (1949), Louis Stuart-Houston (1951), Howard Ronald Stuart-Houston (1957), and Brian William Stuart-Houston (1965) have all had no children;.[50] Only Howard, who died in a car crash in 1989, was ever married.

According to David Gardner, author of the Last of the Hitlers: "They didn’t sign a pact, but what they did is, they talked amongst themselves, talked about the burden they’ve had in the background of their lives, and decided that none of them would marry, none of them would have children. And that’s...a pact they’ve kept to this day."[51] Though none of Stuart-Houston's sons had children, his son Alexander, now a social worker, said that contrary to this speculation, there was no pact to intentionally end the Hitler bloodline.[52]


O Commons possui uma categoria com imagens e outros ficheiros sobre Carlos28/Artigos a criar

References[editar | editar código-fonte]

Informational notes

Citations

  1. Förster 1998, pp. 496–497.
  2. Klink 1998, pp. 537–539.
  3. a b c Wette 2006, p. 106.
  4. Krausnick & Wilhelm 1981, pp. 207–209.
  5. Goda 2005, pp. 112–113.
  6. Hilberg 1985, p. 301.
  7. Klink 1998, pp. 541–543.
  8. Klink 1998, pp. 631–634.
  9. Klink 1998, pp. 635–637.
  10. Stahel 2015, pp. 46−47.
  11. Klink 1998, pp. 637–642.
  12. Klink 1998, pp. 646–649.
  13. Stargardt 2015, p. 185.
  14. Stargardt 2015, p. 186.
  15. Hebert 2010, p. 95.
  16. Megargee 2000, pp. 146, 149.
  17. Megargee 2000, p. 172.
  18. Rosmus 2015, p. 281.
  19. LeMO 2016.
  20. Scherzer 2007, p. 498.
  21. Bullock 1999, p. 393.
  22. Kershaw 2008, p. 177.
  23. a b c Görtemaker 2011, p. 43.
  24. a b c Kershaw 2008, p. 219.
  25. Kershaw 2008, p. 220.
  26. Görtemaker 2011, p. 13.
  27. Kershaw 2008, p. 218.
  28. Kershaw 2008, p. 221.
  29. Langer, Walter (1972). The Mind of Adolf Hitler, New York 1972 pp. 122–123
  30. Rosmus, Anna (2015) Hitlers Nibelungen. Grafenau: Samples. p.45
  31. Deighton, Len (1987). Winter: a novel of a Berlin family. New York: Knopf. p. 464. ISBN 0-394-55177-X 
  32. Hauner, Milan (1983). Hitler: A Chronology of his Life and Time. London: Macmillan. p. 181. ISBN 0-333-30983-9 
  33. Elliott, Mark R. (1982). Pawns of Yalta: Soviet refugees and America's role in their repatriation. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. p. 185. ISBN 0-252-00897-9 
  34. Bailey, Ronald Albert (1981). Prisoners of War. Alexandria, Va.: Time-Life Books. p. 123. ISBN 0-8094-3391-5 
  35. Tolstoy, Nikolai (1978). The Secret Betrayal. New York: Scribner. p. 296. ISBN 0-684-15635-0 
  36. Interrogation II with Paula Hitler.
  37. Beevor 2002, p. 342.
  38. Kershaw 2008, p. 955.
  39. a b «Interview with Paula Wolff». Consultado em 5 de março de 2013. Arquivado do original em February 16, 2007  Verifique data em: |arquivodata= (ajuda)
  40. Staff (19 de dezembro de 1997). «Russia pardons alleged Hitler kin». Jewish News of Northern California. Consultado em 4 de maio de 2013 
  41. Associated Press (April 7, 1998). «Hitler relatives vindicated». The Independent. Consultado em May 5, 2013  Verifique data em: |acessodata=, |data= (ajuda)
  42. Staff (July 18, 1998). «Hitler Relatives Allegedly Arrested». Associated Press. Consultado em May 5, 2013  Verifique data em: |acessodata=, |data= (ajuda)
  43. Rosmus, Anna (2015) Hitlers Nibelungen.Grafenau: Samples. p.46
  44. Associated Press (June 3, 1960). «Paula Hitler». The Washington Post. Consultado em May 17, 2008. Berchtesgaden, Germany (AP) Paula Hitler, sister of Adolph [sic] Hitler, died Wednesday, according to police.  Verifique data em: |acessodata=, |data= (ajuda)
  45. Peter Allen (17 de fevereiro de 2012). «Hitler had son with French teen». The Daily Telegraph. Consultado em 22 de fevereiro de 2012 
  46. Wordsworth, Araminta (February 17, 2012). «Is Jean-Marie Loret Hitler's long-lost son?». National Post. Consultado em March 29, 2012  Verifique data em: |acessodata=, |data= (ajuda)
  47. Korrektur einer Biographie. Adolf Hitler, 1908–1920 [Emendation of a Biography. Adolf Hitler, 1908–1920], Munich, 1989, pp. 162–64
  48. Hitler 1889–1936: Hubris; Vol. 1, note 116 to Chapter 3
  49. Rosenbaum, Ron. Explaining Hitler. [S.l.]: De Capo Press. p. 123–. ISBN 978-0306823183 
  50. «Hitler's family tree» (PDF) 
  51. «The End of Hitler's Family Line – The Pact Between the Sons of Hitler's Nephew Never to Have Children» 
  52. Gardner, David (24 October 2017). «Getting to know the Hitlers» – via www.telegraph.co.uk  Verifique data em: |data= (ajuda)

Bibliography

Further reading




Noite de Cristal[editar | editar código-fonte]

Pogrom[editar | editar código-fonte]

Tumultos[editar | editar código-fonte]

O início das acções de violência variou de unidade para unidade. Os Gauleiters começaram cerca das 22h30, apenas duas horas depois das notícias sobre a morte de Vom Rath terem chegado à Alemanha. Pelas 23h00, foram as SA a dar início aos tumultos, e as SS começaram pela 1h20.{{carece de fontes}} Muitos estavam vestidos à civil e levavam martelos pesados e machados, e logo depois começaram as acções de destruição das propriedades dos judeus. As ordens que estes homens tinham eram específicas: qualquer acto de violência que pusesse em perigo os cidadãos e os bens de não-judeus alemães (as sinagogas demasiado próximas de edifícios de não-judeus foram destruídas com martelos e não incendiadas); as lojas e os escritórios judeus podiam ser destruídos mas não pilhados; os estrangeiros (incluindo judeus estrangeiros) não podiam ser alvo de violência; e os arquivos das sinagogas deviam ser transferidos para a Sicherheitsdienst (SD). The men were also ordered to arrest as many Jews as the local jails would hold, the preferred targets being healthy young men.{{carece de fontes}}

Kristallnacht, shop damage in Magdeburg

The SA of adjacent cities shattered the storefronts of about 7,500 Jewish stores and businesses, hence the appellation Kristallnacht (Crystal Night).[1] Jewish homes were ransacked all throughout Germany. Although violence against Jews had not been explicitly condoned by the authorities, there were cases of Jews being beaten or assaulted.

This pogrom damaged, and in many cases destroyed, about 200 synagogues (constituting nearly all Germany had), many Jewish cemeteries, more than 7,000 Jewish shops, and 29 department stores. Some Jews were beaten to death while others were forced to watch.{{carece de fontes}} More than 30,000 Jewish men were arrested and taken to concentration camps; primarily Dachau, Buchenwald, and Sachsenhausen.[2] The treatment of prisoners in the camps was brutal, but most were released during the following three months on condition that they leave Germany. The number of German Jews killed is uncertain. The number killed in the two-day riot is most often cited as 91. In addition, it is thought that there were hundreds of suicides.{{carece de fontes}} Counting deaths in the concentration camps, around 2,000–2,500 deaths were directly or indirectly attributable to the Kristallnacht pogrom. A few non-Jewish Germans, mistaken for Jews, were also killed.{{carece de fontes}}

The synagogues, some centuries old, were also victims of considerable violence and vandalism, with the tactics the Stormtroops practised on these and other sacred sites described as "approaching the ghoulish" by the United States Consul in Leipzig. Tombstones were uprooted and graves violated. Fires were lit, and prayer books, scrolls, artwork and philosophy texts were thrown upon them, and precious buildings were either burned or smashed until unrecognisable. Eric Lucas recalls the destruction of the synagogue that a tiny Jewish community had constructed in a small village only twelve years earlier:

It did not take long before the first heavy grey stones came tumbling down, and the children of the village amused themselves as they flung stones into the many coloured windows. When the first rays of a cold and pale November sun penetrated the heavy dark clouds, the little synagogue was but a heap of stone, broken glass and smashed-up woodwork.'[3]

After this, the Jewish community was fined 1 billion reichsmarks. In addition, it cost 4 million marks to repair the windows.[4] Events in recently annexed Austria were no less horrendous. Of the entire Kristallnacht, only the pogrom in Vienna was completed. Most of Vienna's 94 synagogues and prayer-houses were partially or totally destroyed. People were subjected to all manner of humiliations, including being forced to scrub the pavements whilst being tormented by their fellow Austrians, some of whom had been their friends and neighbours.{{carece de fontes}} Official figures released after the event by Reinhard Heydrich stated that 191 synagogues were destroyed, with 76 completely demolished; 100,000 Jews were arrested; three foreigners were arrested; 174 people were arrested for looting Jewish shops; and 815 Jewish businesses were destroyed.{{carece de fontes}}

The Daily Telegraph correspondent, Hugh Greene, wrote of events in Berlin:

Mob law ruled in Berlin throughout the afternoon and evening and hordes of hooligans indulged in an orgy of destruction. I have seen several anti-Jewish outbreaks in Germany during the last five years, but never anything as nauseating as this. Racial hatred and hysteria seemed to have taken complete hold of otherwise decent people. I saw fashionably dressed women clapping their hands and screaming with glee, while respectable middle-class mothers held up their babies to see the "fun".[5]

Many Berliners were however deeply ashamed of the pogrom, and some took great personal risks to offer help. The son of a US consular official heard the janitor of his block cry:

'They must have emptied the insane asylums and penitentiaries to find people who'd do things like that!'[6]

Tucson News TV channel briefly reported on a 2008 remembrance meeting at a local Jewish congregation. According to eye-witness Esther Harris:

They ripped up the belongings, the books, knocked over furniture, shouted obscenities.[7]


Historian Gerhard Weinberg is quoted as saying:

Houses of worship burned down, vandalized, in every community in the country where people either participate or watch.[7]

Campos de concentração[editar | editar código-fonte]

The violence was officially called to a stop by Goebbels on 11 November, but it continued against the Jews in the concentration camps despite orders requesting "special treatment" to ensure that this did not happen. On 23 November, the News Chronicle of London published an article on an incident which took place at the concentration camp of Sachsenhausen. Sixty-two Jews suffered punishment so severe that the police, "unable to bear their cries, turned their backs". They were beaten until they fell and, when they fell, they were further beaten. At the end of it, "twelve of the sixty-two were dead, their skulls smashed. The others were all unconscious. The eyes of some had been knocked out, their faces flattened and shapeless". The 30,000 Jewish men who had been imprisoned during Kristallnacht were released over the next three months but, by then, more than 2,000 had died.{{carece de fontes}}

Rescaldo[editar | editar código-fonte]

A ruined synagogue in Munich after Kristallnacht
A ruined synagogue in Eisenach after Kristallnacht
Home movie from Vienna taken likely just after Kristallnacht in 1938.

Hermann Göring, who was in favor of expropriating the Jews rather than destroy Jewish property as had happened in the progrom, complained directly to Chief of Police and Head of Reich Main Security Office Reinhard Heydrich immediately after the events: "I'd rather you guys had done in two-hundred Jews than destroy so many valuable assets!" ("Mir wäre lieber gewesen, ihr hättet 200 Juden erschlagen und hättet nicht solche Werte vernichtet!").[8] Göring met with other members of the Nazi leadership on 12 November to plan the next steps after the riot, setting the stage for formal government action. In the transcript of the meeting, Göring said,

I have received a letter written on the Führer's orders requesting that the Jewish question be now, once and for all, coordinated and solved one way or another... I should not want to leave any doubt, gentlemen, as to the aim of today's meeting. We have not come together merely to talk again, but to make decisions, and I implore competent agencies to take all measures for the elimination of the Jew from the German economy, and to submit them to me.[9]

The persecution and economic damage done to German Jews continued after the pogrom, even as their places of business were ransacked. They were forced to pay Judenvermögensabgabe, a collective fine of one billion marks for the murder of vom Rath (equal to roughly $US 5.5 billion in today’s currency), which was levied by the compulsory acquisition of 20% of all Jewish property by the state. Six million Reichsmarks of insurance payments for property damage due to the Jewish community were to be paid to the government instead as "damages to the German Nation".[10]

The number of emigrating Jews surged, as those who were able left the country. In the ten months following Kristallnacht, more than 115,000 Jews emigrated from the Reich.[11] The majority went to other European countries, the US and Palestine, and at least 14,000 made it to Shanghai, China. As part of government policy, the Nazis seized houses, shops, and other property the émigrés left behind. Many of the destroyed remains of Jewish property plundered during Kristallnacht were dumped near Brandenburg. In October 2008, this dumpsite was discovered by Yaron Svoray, an investigative journalist. The site, the size of four Association football fields, contained an extensive array of personal and ceremonial items looted during the riots against Jewish property and places of worship on the night of 9 November 1938. It is believed the goods were brought by rail to the outskirts of the village and dumped on designated land. Among the items found were glass bottles engraved with the Star of David, mezuzot, painted window sills, and the armrests of chairs found in synagogues, in addition to an ornamental swastika.[12]

Reacções à Kristallnacht[editar | editar código-fonte]

Dos alemães[editar | editar código-fonte]

The reaction of non-Jewish Germans to Kristallnacht was varied. Many spectators gathered on the scenes, most of them in silence. The local fire departments confined themselves to prevent the flames spreading to neighbouring buildings. In Berlin, police Lieutenant Otto Bellgardt barred SA troopers from setting the New Synagogue on fire, earning his superior officer a verbal reprimand from the commissioner.[13] The British historian Martin Gilbert believes that "many non-Jews resented the round up",[14] his opinion being supported by German witness Dr. Arthur Flehinger who recalls seeing "people crying while watching from behind their curtains".[15] The extent of the damage was so great that many Germans are said to have expressed their disapproval of it, and to have described it as senseless.[16]

In an article released for publication on the evening of 11 November, Goebbels ascribed the events of Kristallnacht to the "healthy instincts" of the German people. He went on to explain: "The German people is anti-Semitic. It has no desire to have its rights restricted or to be provoked in the future by parasites of the Jewish race."[17] Less than 24 hours after the Kristallnacht Adolf Hitler made a one hour long speech in front of a group of journalists where he managed to completely ignore the recent events on everyone's mind. According to Eugene Davidson the reason for this was that Hitler wished to avoid being directly connected to an event that he was aware that many of those present condemned, regardless of Goebbels's unconvincing explanation that Kristallnacht was caused by popular wrath.[18]

In 1938, just after Kristallnacht, the psychologist Muller-Claudius interviewed 41 randomly selected Nazi Party members on their attitudes towards racial persecution. Of the interviewed party-members 63% expressed extreme indignation against it, while only 5% expressed approval of racial persecution, the rest being noncommittal. A study conducted in 1933 had then shown that 33% of Nazi Party members held no racial prejudice while 13% supported persecution. Sarah Ann Gordon sees two possible reasons for this difference. First, by 1938 large numbers of Germans had joined the Nazi Party for pragmatic reasons rather than ideology thus diluting the percentage of rabid antisemites; second, the Kristallnacht could have caused party members to reject Antisemitism that had been acceptable to them in abstract terms but which they could not support when they saw it concretely enacted.[19] During the Kristallnacht several Gauleiter and deputy Gauleiters had refused orders to enact the Kristallnacht, and many leaders of the SA and of the Hitler Youth also openly refused party orders, while expressing disgust.[20] Some Nazis helped Jews during the Kristallnacht.[20]

As it was aware that the German public did not support the Kristallnacht, the propaganda ministry directed the German press to portray opponents of racial persecution as disloyal.[21] The press was also under orders to downplay the Kristallnacht, describing general events at local level only, with prohibition against depictions of individual events.[22] In 1939 this was extended to a prohibition on reporting any anti-Jewish measures.[23]

The vast majority of the German public disapproved of the Kristallnacht as for example evidenced by the torrent of reports attesting to this by diplomats in Germany.[24]

The US ambassador to Germany reported:

In view of this being a totalitarian state a surprising characteristic of the situation here is the intensity and scope among German citizens of condemnation of the recent happenings against Jews.[25]

To the consternation of the Nazis the Kristallnacht affected public opinion counter to their desires, the peak of opposition against the Nazi racial policies was reached just then, when according to almost all accounts the vast majority of Germans rejected the violence perpetrated against the Jews.[26] Verbal complaints grew rapidly in numbers, and for example the Duesseldorf branch of the Gestapo reported a sharp decline in anti-Semitic attitudes among the population.[27]

There are many indications of Protestant and Catholic disapproval of racial persecution; for example the Catholic church had already distributed Pastoral letters critical of Nazi racial ideology, and the Nazi regime expected to encounter organised resistance from it following Kristallnacht.[28] The Catholic leadership however, just as the various Protestant churches, refrained from responding with organised action.[28] While individual Catholics and Protestants took action, the churches as a whole chose silence publicly.[28] Nevertheless, individuals continued to show courage, for example a Parson paid the medical bills of a Jewish cancer patient and was sentenced to a large fine and several months in prison in 1941, and a Catholic nun was sentenced to death in 1945 for helping Jews.[28] A Protestant parson spoke out in 1943 and was sent to Dachau concentration camp where he died after a few days.[28]

Martin Sasse, Nazi Party member and bishop of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Thuringia, leading member of the Nazi German Christians, one of the schismatic factions of German Protestantism, published a compendium of Martin Luther's writings shortly after the Kristallnacht; Sasse "applauded the burning of the synagogues" and the coincidence of the day, writing in the introduction, "On 10 November 1938, on Luther's birthday, the synagogues are burning in Germany." The German people, he urged, ought to heed these words "of the greatest anti-Semite of his time, the warner of his people against the Jews."[29] Diarmaid MacCulloch argued that Luther's 1543 pamphlet, On the Jews and Their Lies was a "blueprint" for the Kristallnacht.[30]

Ficheiro:19381011 NYT frontpage Kristallnacht.png
The front page of The New York Times of 11 November 1938 refers to the attacks occurring "under the direction of Stormtroopers and Nazi party members," but also said that Goebbels called a stop to it.

Da comunidade global[editar | editar código-fonte]

After 1945 some synagogues were restored. This one in Berlin features a plaque, reading "Never forget", a common expression around Berlin

Kristallnacht sparked international outrage. It discredited pro-Nazi movements in Europe and North America, leading to eventual decline of their support. Many newspapers condemned Kristallnacht, with some comparing it to the murderous pogroms incited by Imperial Rússia in the 1880s. The United States recalled its ambassador (but did not break off diplomatic relations) while other governments severed diplomatic relations with Germany in protest. The British government approved the Kindertransport program for refugee children. As such, Kristallnacht also marked a turning point in relations between Nazi Germany and the rest of the world. The brutality of the pogrom, and the Nazi government's deliberate policy of encouraging the violence once it had begun, laid bare the repressive nature and widespread anti-Semitism entrenched in Germany, and turned world opinion sharply against the Nazi regime, with some politicians calling for war. The private protest against the Germans following Kristallnacht was held on 6 December 1938. William Cooper, an Aboriginal Australian, led a delegation of the Australian Aboriginal League on a march through Melbourne to the German Consulate to deliver a petition which condemned the "cruel persecution of the Jewish people by the Nazi government of Germany". German officials refused to accept the tendered document.[31]

After the Kristallnacht, Salvador Allende, Gabriel González Videla, Marmaduke Grove, Florencio Durán and other members of the Congress of Chile sent a telegram to Adolf Hitler denouncing the persecution of Jews.[32] A more personal response, in 1939, was the oratorio A Child of Our Time by the English composer Michael Tippett.[33]

Significado da Kristallnacht como ponto de mudança[editar | editar código-fonte]

Kristallnacht changed the nature of persecution from economic, political, and social to physical with beatings, incarceration, and murder; the event is often referred to as the beginning of the Holocaust. In the words of historian Max Rein in 1988, "Kristallnacht came...and everything was changed."[34]

While November 1938 predated overt articulation of "the Final Solution", it foreshadowed the genocide to come. Around the time of Kristallnacht, the SS newspaper Das Schwarze Korps called for a "destruction by swords and flames." At a conference on the day after the pogrom, Hermann Göring said: "The Jewish problem will reach its solution if, in any time soon, we will be drawn into war beyond our border—then it is obvious that we will have to manage a final account with the Jews."[35]

Five handicapped Jewish prisoners who arrived in Buchenwald after Kristallnacht.

Specifically, the Nazis managed to achieve in Kristallnacht all the theoretical targets they set for themselves: confiscation of Jewish belongings to provide finances for the military buildup to war, separation and isolation of the Jews, and most importantly, the move from the antisemitic policy of discrimination to one of physical damage, which began that night and continued until the end of World War II. The event showed the public attitude was not solidly behind the perpetrators. Many Germans at the time found the pogroms troubling, because they equated them with the days of the SA street rule and lawlessness. The British Embassy in Berlin and British Consular offices throughout Germany received many protests and expressions of disquiet from members of the German public about the anti-Jewish actions of the time. {{carece de fontes}}

Análise actual[editar | editar código-fonte]

Many decades later, association with the Kristallnacht anniversary was cited as the main reason against choosing 9 November ("Schicksalstag"), the day the Berlin Wall came down in 1989, as the new German national holiday; a different day was chosen (3 October 1990, German reunification). The avant-garde guitarist Gary Lucas's 1988 composition "Verklärte Kristallnacht", which juxtaposes the Israeli national anthem, "Hatikvah", with phrases from "Deutschland Über Alles" amid wild electronic shrieks and noise, is intended to be a sonic representation of the horrors of Kristallnacht. It was premiered at the 1988 Berlin Jazz Festival and received rave reviews. (The title is a reference to Arnold Schoenberg's 1899 work "Verklärte Nacht" that presaged his pioneering work on atonal music; Schoenberg was an Austrian Jew who would move to the United States to escape the Nazis).[36]

On its 40th anniversary in 1978, members of two fraternities at the University of Florida gathered in front of the fraternity house of Tau Epsilon Phi and "shouted expressions like 'F___ the Jews,' " and "Your mother was bright but she was a lampshade."[37]

Kristallnacht was the inspiration for the 1993 album Kristallnacht by the composer John Zorn. The German power metal band Masterplan's debut album, Masterplan (2003), features an anti-Nazism song entitled "Crystal Night" as the fourth track. The German band BAP published a song titled "Kristallnaach" in their Cologne dialect, dealing with the emotions of the Kristallnacht.[38]

Kristallnacht was the inspiration for the 1988 composition Mayn Yngele by the composer Frederic Rzewski, of which he says: "I began writing this piece in November, 1988, on the 50th anniversary of the Kristallnacht ... My piece is a reflection on that vanished part of Jewish tradition which so strongly colors, by its absence, the culture of our time".[39]

Kristallnacht has been depicted on the screen in a number of Holocaust-themed films and television shows, among them 1978's Holocaust (TV miniseries) and 1990's Europa Europa.

Ver também[editar | editar código-fonte]

References[editar | editar código-fonte]

Books in English
Books in German
  • Christian Faludi: Die „Juni-Aktion" 1938. Eine Dokumentation zur Radikalisierung der Judenverfolgung. Campus, Frankfurt a. M./New York 2013, ISBN 978-3-593-39823-5
  • Hans-Dieter Arntz. "Reichskristallnacht". Der Novemberpogrom 1938 auf dem Lande - Gerichtsakten und Zeugenaussagen am Beispiel der Eifel und Voreifel, Helios-Verlag, Aachen 2008, ISBN 978-3-938208-69-4
  • Döscher, Hans-Jürgen (1988). Reichskristallnacht: Die Novemberpogrome 1938 (em German). [S.l.]: Ullstein. ISBN 978-3-550-07495-0 
  • Kaul, Friedrich Karl; Herschel Feibel Grynszpan (1965). Der Fall des Herschel Grynszpan (em German). Berlin: Akademie-Verl  ISBN Unknown. ASIN B0014NJ88M. Available at Oxford Journals (PDF)
  • Korb, Alexander (2007). Reaktionen der deutschen Bevölkerung auf die Novemberpogrome im Spiegel amtlicher Berichte (em German). Saarbrücken: VDM Verlag. ISBN 978-3-8364-4823-9 
  • Lauber, Heinz (1981). Judenpogrom: "Reichskristallnacht" November 1938 in Grossdeutschland : Daten, Fakten, Dokumente, Quellentexte, Thesen und Bewertungen (Aktuelles Taschenbuch) (em German). [S.l.]: Bleicher. ISBN 3-88350-005-4 
  • Pätzold, Kurt; Runge, Irene (1988). Kristallnacht: Zum Pogrom 1938 (Geschichte) (em German). Köln: Pahl-Rugenstein. ISBN 3-7609-1233-8 
  • Pehle, Walter H. (1988). Der Judenpogrom 1938: Von der "Reichskristallnacht" zum Völkermord (em German). Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag. ISBN 3-596-24386-6 
  • Schultheis, Herbert (1985). Die Reichskristallnacht in Deutschland nach Augenzeugenberichten (Bad Neustadter Beiträge zur Geschichte und Heimatkunde Frankens) (em German). Bad Neustadt a. d. Saale: Rotter Druck und Verlag. ISBN 3-9800482-3-3 
Online resources

Ligações externas[editar | editar código-fonte]

O Commons possui uma categoria com imagens e outros ficheiros sobre Carlos28/Artigos a criar

Notas

Referências

  1. GermanNotes, http://www.germannotes.com/hist_ww2_kristallnacht.shtml, retrieved 26 November 2007
  2. "The deportation of Regensburg Jews to Dachau concentration camp" (Yad Vashem Photo Archives 57659)
  3. Lucas, Eric. "The sovereigns", Kibbutz Kfar Blum (Palestine), 1945, pg 171 cited in Gilbert, op.cit., p 67.
  4. Raul Hilberg. The Destruction of the European Jews, Third Edition, (Yale Univ. Press, 2003, c1961), Ch.3.
  5. Carleton Greene, Hugh. Daily Telegraph, 11 November 1938 cited in "The Road to World War II", Western New England College.
  6. "The Road to World War II", Western New England College.[1]
  7. a b «Kristallnacht Remembered». www.kold.com. Consultado em 17 de maio de 2008 
  8. Döscher, Hans-Jürgen (2000). „Reichskristallnacht“ - Die Novemberpogrome 1938 ("'Reichskristallnacht': The November pogroms of 1938"), Econ, 2000, ISBN 3-612-26753-1, p. 131
  9. Conot, Robert. Justice at Nuremberg, New York, NY: Harper and Row, 1983, pp. 164–72.
  10. "JudenVermoegersabgabe" (The Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies)
  11. Jewish emigration from Germany (USHMM)
  12. Connolly, Kate (22 October 2008). «Kristallnacht remnants unearthed near Berlin». The Guardian. London. Consultado em 7 May 2010  Verifique data em: |acessodata=, |data= (ajuda)
  13. Scheer, Regina (1993). "Im Revier 16 (In precinct No. 16)". Die Hackeschen Höfe. Geschichte und Geschichten einer Lebenswelt in der Mitte Berlins (Gesellschaft Hackesche Höfe e.V. (ed.), pp. 78 ed.). Berlin: Argon. ISBN 3-87024-254-X.
  14. Gilbert, op. cit., p. 70
  15. Dr. Arthur Flehinger, "Flames of Fury", Jewish Chronicle, 9 November 1979, p. 27, cited in Gilbert, loc. cit.
  16. "New Campaign Against Jews", The Argus, 11 November 1938
  17. Daily Telegraph, 12 November 1938. Cited in Gilbert, Martin. Kristallnacht: Prelude to Destruction. Harper Collins, 2006, p. 142.
  18. Eugene Davidson. The Unmaking of Adolf Hitler. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1996. ISBN 978-0-8262-1045-6. p. 325
  19. Gordon, pp. 263-264
  20. a b Gordon, p. 266
  21. Gordon, p. 159
  22. Gordon, p. 156
  23. Gordon, p. 157
  24. Gordon, pp. 175-179
  25. Gordon, p. 176
  26. Gordon, pp. 180, 207
  27. Gordon, pp. 175-179, 215
  28. a b c d e Gordon, pp. 251, 252, 258, 259
  29. Bernd Nellessen, "Die schweigende Kirche: Katholiken und Judenverfolgung", in Büttner (ed)Die Deutschen und die Judenverfolgung im Dritten Reich , p. 265, cited in Daniel Goldhagen'sHitler's Willing Executioners (Vintage, 1997).
  30. Diarmaid MacCulloch, Reformation: Europe's House Divided, 1490-1700. New York: Penguin Books Ltd, 2004, pp. 666-67.
  31. Miskin, Maayana (8 February 2010). «Yad Vashem to Honor Aborigine». Israel National News. Consultado em 20 April 2012  Verifique data em: |acessodata=, |data= (ajuda)
  32. «Telegram protesting against the persecution of Jews in Germany» (PDF) (em espanhol). El Clarín de Chile's 
  33. Lewis, Geraint (May 2010). «Tippett, Sir Michael Kemp». Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online edition). Consultado em 29 April 2012  Verifique data em: |acessodata=, |data= (ajuda) Predefinição:Subscription
  34. Krefeld, Stadt (1988). Ehemalige Krefelder Juden berichten uber ihre Erlebnisse in der sogenannten Reichskristallnacht. Col: Krefelder Juden in Amerika. 3. Krefeld Stadt Archiv: Basic Books. p. 117 
  35. Erro de citação: Etiqueta <ref> inválida; não foi fornecido texto para as refs de nome Gilbert23
  36. Seth Rogovoy (20 April 2001). «Gary Lucas: Action guitarist». Berkshire Eagle. Consultado em 20 May 2008. A knowing reference to Arnold Schoenberg's "Verklarte Nacht", the piece ironically juxtaposed the Israeli national anthem, "Hatikvah," with phrases from "Deutschland Uber Alles," amid wild electronic shrieks and noise. The next day the papers ran a picture of Lucas with the triumphant headline, "It is Lucas!"  Verifique data em: |acessodata=, |data= (ajuda)
  37. Antisemitism in America, Leonard Dinnerstein, 1994
  38. «BAP Songtexte (German)». Consultado em 16 May 2008  Verifique data em: |acessodata= (ajuda)
  39. «Mayn Yingele (Rzewski, Frederic)». Consultado em 25 January 2016  Verifique data em: |acessodata= (ajuda)